On the exact date Donald Trump was presented with a custom-made "peace prize" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his administration published an equally flamboyant national security strategy. This relatively short report is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically modest assertion that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of disaster and disaster."
Even though the strategy largely codifies the current policies and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a serious caution for the international community, and for the European continent specifically.
The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been taken directly from speeches by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the so-called refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-assurance." More ominously, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the real and more stark possibility of cultural extinction."
The whole section dedicated to Europe is imbued with decades of European right-wing ideology and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "changing the continent and causing strife, censorship of free speech and suppression of dissent, cratering birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and armed forces powerful enough to be dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, free speech, and unapologetic commemorations of European nations’ individual character and past."
These points carry strong overtones of two theories seen as core for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "native" populations and bring in a more docile and dependent electorate.
It is the nativist fantasy contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "America urges its political allies in Europe to advance this resurgence of spirit, and the growing clout of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."
In other words, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can accomplish this. Therefore, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating resistance to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to restore their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not regard Russia as an adversary either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
None of this is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be summarised in plain and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.