The chancellor has handled this week's spending review like a hesitant bather inching into icy water, striving to ease the discomfort through incremental immersion.
Reeves began dealing with the challenge of insufficient funds at the close of the summer months. Initially, she refused to support earlier insistence that increases in taxation in the prior year's financial statement would be the ultimate ones.
Then, recently, she took a more significant move into the icy waves. Her address committed to "implement needed measures" to finance government services and maintain borrowing costs low.
In just 10 days, the exchequer had pulled back the hint. The manifesto commitment remained intact after all. Like every freezing-water dipper understands, this cancelled plunge and shivering withdrawal is the least effective of all techniques. Nothing draws out the suffering like uncertainty.
It can be difficult to be firm when selecting between degrees of internally generated harm.
Hope has not been a successful approach for this government. Central of the Labour leader's general election campaign was the futile belief of somehow meeting citizens' call for better state services without reversing significant amounts of Conservative tax cuts.
Not once has either the prime minister or Reeves adequately conveyed a impression of shared mission to validate all this difficulty. To some extent that is a challenge of charisma. Both leaders are strikingly alike in their communicative deficiency, awkward and unforthcoming in a way that pushes listeners back instead of pulling them closer.
In the same way that political pressure to invest in state services has compelled the exchequer to acknowledge that taxes must rise, the commercial requirement of boosting prosperity makes it ever harder to disregard the price of separation from the EU market.
Ministers spent a year splashing in the shallow end of improved relations with the European Union: proposals to eliminate customs checks on farm products; a young people's exchange program. Aspiration went a further on power generation, defence and security cooperation, but no significant agreements has to date been agreed.
Without clear direction and drive from Downing Street, negotiations are stalled. EU officials says economic advantages are obtained with financial input to the EU budget. Government representatives understand that's the agreement. That doesn't lead them keen for a open dispute and Nigel Farage screaming disloyalty over any cost ends up being agreed.
Commercial conditions has triggered some adjustment in the administration's tone on the EU relationship. Reeves has begun identifying leaving Europe alongside the Covid pandemic as a factor of financial harm that the exchequer is striving to address. Government colleagues have done the same, although they carefully attribute the fault to "unfavorable agreement" or "the manner of departure", never just "Brexit".
The problem of the UK's long-term partnership with the European Union can't be reduced to procedural changes and border mechanisms when the entire international system is in constant change. In light of everything that has happened since the Brexit vote, it feels appropriate still to be posing the big question: were Britain's interests advanced by exiting the EU?
These represent cold, uncomfortable facts about the UK's situation in choppy world affairs. It is understandable that Starmer and Reeves shy away from the responsibility. It would take them way out of their depth, into trends that they cannot swim against. So rather they continue anxiously pacing the water's edge, wishing that maybe soon the situation will turn.